# Converted from: 1932, A True History of the United States.srt

The United States was on the verge of dissolution on March 9, 1861, when Abraham Lincoln arrived in Washington, D.C. for his first inaugural address. The states of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida had all voted to secede from the Union, and Texas's governor had been overthrown for refusing to secede. The departing administration of President James Buchanan had bankrupted the Treasury, while his Secretary of War, John Floyd, had secretly shifted Union armaments to Point South to arm the intended insurrection. Fort Sumter, South Carolina, was surrounded by armed secessionists ready to strike, and an assassination plot against Lincoln was planned, along with a plot to disrupt the official counting of the Electoral College ballots in the Capitol.

General Winfield Scott, a hero in the War of 1812, was the first to be deported from the United States. General Winfield Scott, a hero in the War of 1812, took measures to secure the Capitol with thousands of federal troops. Any man who attempted by force to obstruct or interfere with the lawful count of the Electoral Vote should be lashed to the muzzle of a 12-pound gun and fired out of the window of the Capitol. I would manure the hills of Arlington with fragments of his body, for he a senator or chief magistrate of my native state. It is my duty to suppress insurrection.

My duty... This siege of the Capitol and coming war was for Lincoln not merely a conflict between the North and the South, but a world war against the British Empire. Lincoln knew the British Empire viewed the U.S. government, founded on the principle that all men are created equal, as a threat to the continuation of their empire.

Alexander Hamilton, the first Treasury secretary and founder of the American system of economics, was assassinated in 1804 by Aaron Burr, the Vice President of the United States. At the same time, Burr organized a military insurrection against the government to create a separate nation composed of the vast Louisiana territory and part of Mexico. The design, funding, and brashness of Burr's operation were not his own. I have just received an offer from Mr. Burr, the actual Vice President of the United States, to lend his assistance to His Majesty's government in any matter in which they may think fit to employ him, particularly in endeavoring to effect a separation of the western part of the United States from that which lies between the Atlantic and the mountains in its whole extent.

The British government which deployed Burr burned the Capitol to the ground eight years after the war. The British government which deployed Burr burned the Capitol to the ground eight years later in the War of 1812 and organized a secession movement of the New England states, a system driven by the British East India Company and its secret intelligence service director, Lord Shelburne. As the United States defeated these various attacks, Shelburne's successor and protege, Lord Palmerston, turned to the British slave system in the southern U.S. as the new axe to chop apart the United States. The slavery system destroying the southern United States was a critical part of a worldwide British economic system to which Adam Smith gave the name Free Trade. Beginning in West Africa, the British East India Company, Royal Africa Company, and others captured slaves.

These slaves were shipped to the Western Hemisphere to create the slave plantation system of the southern United States. The principal product of this system in the 19th century was cotton, 75 of which was exported to England. Here, English peasants worked for shillings to turn the cotton into low quality textiles, which were then sold in India, the crown jewel of the empire. The Indian subjects, denied the right by the British to produce for themselves, paid for the textiles with opium crops. The Indian opium was then shipped from India to China, where it was forced on the Chinese people for enormous profit, addicting millions to the life-sucking drug.

The profits from this cycle characterized the British people, recognized by East India Company lackey Adam Smith as buying cheap and selling dear, was the foundation of the empire's existence. An interruption of any one part was an interruption to the whole. In dealing with vulgar-minded bullies and such, unfortunately, the people of the United States are, nothing is gained by submission to insult and wrong.

The US have no navy if which we need be afraid, and they might be told, that if they were to resort to privateering, we should, however reluctantly, be obliged to retaliate by burning all their seacoast towns. Palmerston never gave up the hope that the United States could be broken apart, that you could destroy the American system. And so Lord Palmerston was naturally a supporter of the Confederacy. In fact, he wrote a letter January 1st, 1861, to Queen Victoria, praising the British and French troops taking of Peking at that time. And then he said, we also are on the verge of the dissolution of the United States.

And this was good news for Britain. When Lincoln was elected in November 1860, the British had recently conducted war against Russia in 1854 and against China in 1859, when the Chinese attempted to take over the United States. The British attempted to block the smuggling of opium into their ports. Now, in 1861, a great war was imminent, pivoted on whether the British or the American system would prevail in the Western Hemisphere. Lincoln knew that he was going into a war.

The key of Lincoln, the character of Lincoln, going into the inauguration and through his presidency, was he was on the front lines of a war against the British Empire. And he knew it. He was being shot at. Eventually, obviously, he was assassinated. But there were moments...

There were many attempts against him, as if he was a soldier in the battles. But it was his ideas, it was his mind, which drove the victory over the South. That was why he was the number one target. In Lincoln, because of the nature of the conflict over slavery, he very much always came back to the Declaration of Independence. That this, for I think any of the great figures in the United States, the Declaration and the Constitution are one.

One piece. So, Lincoln rested on all men are created equal, and have the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That these are inalienable rights. And they are embedded in every individual human being, that there is no difference. On his trip to Washington for the inauguration, Lincoln was notified of an assassination plot laid for him at a scheduled stop in Baltimore, Maryland.

Now, when he passed on his life of death, Lincoln tookhero, to Washington for the inauguration, and he took a stop in Baltimore, Maryland. through Philadelphia after having been informed of this plot he stand right here on this spot and participated in a flag-raising ceremony on the morning of February 22nd 1861 I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence I have often pondered over the dangers which were incurred by the men who assembled here and adopted that Declaration of Independence I have pondered over the toils that were endured by the officers and soldiers of the army who achieved that independence I have often inquired of myself what great principle or idea it was that kept this Confederacy so long together it was not the mere matter of the separation of the colonies from the motherland but something in that declaration giving Liberty not alone to the people of this country but hope to the world for all future time it was that which gave promise that in due time the wait should be lifted from the shoulders of all men and that all should have an equal chance this is the sentiment embodied in that Declaration of Independence now my friends can this country be saved upon that basis if it can I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help to save it if it can't be saved upon that principle it will truly be awful but if this country cannot be saved without a better will I would who knew I would never will I. giving up that principle, I was about to say, I would rather be assassinated on this spot than to surrender it. Lincoln is very specifically an example of a fully conscious figure of history, that he is acting as a figure of history. His motive is that. His immediate predecessor, there are many predecessors for Lincoln's thought, and in a case like his, there are always things that you may overlook which are important. But the key thing is, his impetus which led to his presidency was John Quincy Adams.

The policy was, we have a Canadian border, we have a Mexican border, we have an Atlantic Ocean, we have a Pacific Ocean. These are our borders. This is our nation. We have to develop this territory for this nation in this territory. And our destiny implicitly with him, but for all of us, is our destiny is across the Pacific. lemonade. excessive was a policy.

So that's Lincoln's policy. Thomas Cox's response The British oligarchy knew that Lincoln represented this mission to destroy them. That is why upon his election they hoping no election stop him being inaugurated. Martin Luther King, Jr.'s Descendant to 내가 hacerlo It was not the British oligarchy, it was Napoleon willing. And the British oligarchs knew that they itself that was supposed to be carrying Lincoln passed through Baltimore.

There was an enormous riot planned that was supposed to go off, trigger a certain amount of chaos, and there were planted assassins in the crowd who were going to stab Lincoln to death. Of course, when the stagecoach rolled through, the riot began, but Lincoln was not in the stage. Lincoln was already in Washington, D.C. I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution, the union of these states is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments.

It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the union is perpetual, confirmed by the history of the union itself. The union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776.

It was further matured and the faith of all the then thirteen states expressly plied it and engaged that it should be perpetual by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects of power was the Constitution, which was the original, by Declaring Article B, that wall established in the language of the United States and a new structure for the state and the intellectual states of state was acted upon which underprivileged individuals could act in the world. The idea that it was in using a new system of power that the union could be perfectly legal was ultimately a claim against the system of power. The idea that it was in using a new system of power that the state could be completely legalized should it be possible, in the sense that a single topical and制ible state could become lawful, and that the whole system of law was completely legalized is, as it The left has its own separate system of power. In contrast, the state can be legalized and be equal in value.

The larger the state, the greater the power. This is this, therefore, the more the extension and that acts of violence within any state or states against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary according to circumstances. One month after Lincoln's inauguration, the Southern Rebellion began. The Confederate Army received huge support from Palmerston's British Empire throughout the war.

However, Lincoln defeated the Confederacy by reviving the superior moral principle and industrial might of the nation. Even amidst civil war, Lincoln advanced the unity of the United States as with his launching of a transcontinental rail project and encouragement of settlement by immigrants of lands west of the Mississippi. Two days after the surrender of the Confederacy in April of 1865, Lincoln spoke on his policy for bringing the South back into the Union as if they had never left. Only three days after that, Lincoln was assassinated. The trigger man, John Wilkes Booth, was no lone gunman.

However, these principal British agents such as Surratt and Sanders, although wanted by the federal government, fled to safety in Great Britain. The Lincoln murder was a desperate British reaction to the defeat of their century-long strategy for dissolution of the United States. But instead of the United States dissolving into chaos, Lincoln's ideas became more powerful through his death. Because of Lincoln, the transcontinental unity of the nation would be restored. achieved a few short years later. But also the living power of the U.S.

Constitution and Declaration of Independence emerged over empire as a power in the world. In the eyes of foreign nations, the young United States, previously only a daring experiment in law and government, now had validated its principles. Through individuals like Henry C. Kerry, who had been Lincoln's economic advisor, the United States underwent the most rapid industrialization and economic growth of a country that humanity had ever seen. This development was driven by economic policies explicitly against British free trade, such as the highest tariffs in the history of the U.S.

And the man who undertakes the work of reconstruction without having first satisfied himself that such is certainly the fact will find that he has been building on shifting sands and must fail to produce an edifice that will be permanent. Look where you may, you will find prosperity to exist in the inverse ratio of the connection with Britain. As Kerry wrote, everywhere where British free trade was implemented, it destroyed people, it destroyed food supply, it destroyed resources, it destroyed soil, it destroyed what civilization might have existed. You bring in British free trade, what's left? Destruction.

Protecting the development of your population, your core capabilities, agriculture, industry and so on, that's protectionism. So when you look at this, no country has ever developed with British free trade as a defensive language. protection. None. Not any country in Europe, not anywhere. On May 10th, 1869, the last spike in the transcontinental line was driven.

For the first time the historic mission of the U.S. project was met. A nation unified through manufacturers and infrastructure from east to west, north to south. Think about this. This is after a four year long civil war, tearing apart the United States, half a million human beings killed, an equivalent number, huge amounts wounded, maimed for life. You'd think that the nation would have been crippled for a long time to come after this, as the British intended.

This nation came out of the civil war with a type of unity and a type of economic development that the world had never seen. We became a world's leading power economically. Within 10 years, 15 years of the civil war. In 1876, Henry Carey organized the U.S. Centennial celebration, inviting the world to see how Republican principles had transformed the youngest nation on earth into the most prosperous.

Nine million visitors attended, including official foreign delegations composed of scientists, engineers, economists, and industrialists. What these observers saw was the opening of an incredibly vast and ever-growing new field of human potential, such as had never existed in the world before that point. Amidst the awesome array of drill presses, saws, printers, water pumps, and more, sat Henry Carey's literature stand of books and pamphlets, educating visitors on the virtues of the American system of economics. The American system of economics values the creative powers of the human individual far above any other form of material wealth. Further, it recognizes these creative powers as the very source of that material wealth.

While the British Empire fights for control of the so-called natural resources of the environment, the American system's power comes simply by the recognition that the nature of the human species was to be the one living creature on the planet which had no natural resources, outside of its members' own sovereign ability to create them. All creation is a mine, and every man a miner. In the beginning, the mine was unopened and the miner stood naked and knowledge-less upon it. Fishes, birds, beasts, and creeping things are not miners, but feeders and lodgers merely. Beavers build houses, but they build them in no wise differently, or better now, than they did five thousand years ago.

Man is not the only animal who labors, but he is the only one who improves his workmanship. This improvement he affects by discoveries and new ideas. The world is a place of the mind, and the mind is the place of the mind. The mind is the place of the mind. Even though man is less than a human being, it has a deeper and more intimate relationship with the human body.

Though man is the only animal named as the human beast, the earth is just a human shape. The human economy has to temper the big human existence, so that the creation of the universe is eternal, and the creation of the world is a creation of something that exists. Humanity has to endure this kind of socialist, зап serie and sub chimeras interaction in the creation of the world. The human economy exists within a universe, and that is on the surface of a human being. This is the direct relationship between the human being and the organized by this dynamic ability of man to willfully change nature.

For the human species, you have to ask yourself, what's required for that spread, that texture, that growth of humanity into these areas? What's required? There are certain things you need as predicates. Do you need water? Do you need food?

Yes, some similar things to plant and animal life. But for the human species, you need the ability to creatively introduce those things yourself, such as, for instance, irrigation. The human species, if you want to introduce human life into a desert, we don't wait for water to appear in the desert. We irrigate the desert. The source of that lies in the individual human mind, as opposed to a collective process or something.

What it requires is that you have individuals in your society who have been educated up to the level where they're able to contribute something of their own. A discovery we make in nature usually involves something that's already happening. But we make a discovery of how that's happening. Now, we turn that discovery we've made into a way of changing nature by our acting in use of that principle. So mankind is not like an animal.

We have a power of the animals. This is what we call true creativity. Subtitles by the Amara.org community The ability to discover universal principles and use these to change the universe. Only mankind can do that. Only the human individual mind can do that.

No animal can do it. To create something entirely unique and new, something original in the entire course of what's been discovered so far in the course of humanity, that capacity exists in every single human individual. And the idea that every single individual has that potential is lovely and exciting to us. In opposition to the American system, the British Empire treats the power of human insight as a threat to its power. With empire, there is no divine spark of human reason which profoundly transforms nature.

With empire, man is only a different form of cattle. Thus, the oligarch system must cease to exist, for it works against the laws of nature and the human mind. You can contrast the North and the South in the United States. The lack of, the utter lack of industrial development, and then the just backwardness, living in the swamps, state of existence that you had in the South of the United States, was a direct product of their view of man. It was a direct product of the fact that you've got, that you can't, a slave society is incapable of this kind of development.

The kind of feudal society you had in the South is incapable of creative discovery. In the wake of the Centennial Convention, teams of American military engineers, economists, and diplomats carried the American system of economics back over the Atlantic and the Pacific, consciously seeking the end to the British Empire system of world domination. In Russia, American railroad engineers worked with Russian transportation minister, Count Sergei Vita, Dmitry Mendeleev, and others, to organize a system of high tariffs and construction of the Trans-Siberian Rail Project, modeled on Lincoln's American Transcontinental.

The very first locomotive on this Trans-Siberian was built in Philadelphia by the Baldwin Company. By 1890, the Russians were planning a Bering Strait bridge to connect by rail to America. In France, heavy tariffs were instituted, along with an expansion of rail. French Foreign Minister, Gabriel Hanateau, developed plans for the development of the Nile River area of Africa, and for a rail link to the Russian Trans-Siberian Project. In Japan, E.

The Japanese became a leading American ally in Asia, creating the first ever independent national bank on that continent. In China, where the British had unloaded crates of opium, American Civil War engineers unloaded crates of Baldwin locomotives. Carey ally, Horton Barker, worked with the Chinese Emperor's Circles for the creation of a joint Chinese-American bank to fund telegraph lines, rail, and industrial mining. And in Germany, the American system reached its greatest application anywhere outside the United States through the actions of Chancellor Otto von Bismarck, who had been an ally of the American people. He had been a great friend of the American system from the days of his youth.

Bismarck himself had been a close friend of some of the American students who had been explicitly sent over by John Quincy Adams to study at Göttingen, at Jena, at Berlin, to basically study universal history as it was taught by Schiller and by the von Humboldts. Three years after the American Centennial, Bismarck broke Germany's free trade system, implementing an American-inspired tariff policy for Germany. The kinship between Germany and the U.S. became so strong at this time that Republican congressman and Civil War veteran William McKinley quoted Bismarck's speech for a German tariff from the floor of the U.S. Congress. The success of the United States in material development is the most illustrious of modern time.

The American nation has not only successfully borne and suppressed the most gigantic and expensive war of all, but immediately afterward disbanded its army, found employment for all its soldiers and marines, paid off most of its debt, given labor and homes to all the unemployed of Europe as fast as they could arrive within its territory, and still by a system of taxation so indirect as not to be perceived, much less felt. Because it is my deliberate judgment that the prosperity of America is mainly due to its system of protective laws, I urge that Germany has now reached that point where it is necessary to imitate the tariff system of the United States. Under this policy, just as had occurred in the United States, Germany emerged as a national power on the world stage. Bismarck's circles, in collusion with French industrialists, began planning rail links to the Trans-Siberian system of Russia and the construction of a Berlin to Baghdad rail system to create a new, previously known, non-existent trade route to all corners of the world. The threatened world leadership of the British East India Company based itself on a relationship between control of the world's sea routes and enforced underdevelopment of interior land masses.

The acquisition of strategic naval ports, or choke points, marked here in red, was the pivot of the system. By controlling these ports and corresponding sea lanes, the British dominated trade, using colonies such as India, or African nations, as sources of cheap raw materials and slave labor. Other nations wishing to engage in the same geographical area would have to operate through the British. The transcontinental rail projects of the post-Civil War period, therefore, emphasizing interior development of land masses such as Lincoln's American Transcontinental, Sergei Witte's Trans-Siberian, and Bismarck's Berlin-Baghdad system, were a mortal threat to the historic maritime-based power of the British Empire. We were aggressively promoting the American system, and the British at that point decided that the only thing that they could do to prevent the successful spread of the American system and the build-up of these rail connections and the land bridge across Eurasia was to blow up the world.

Literally, they were losing the chess game, and so their only last option was to kick over the chessboard. Under this geopolitical view, British imperial policy toward the end of the 19th century turned to the creation of a great world war, pivoted on pitting Russia and Germany against each other. The intention of this policy was not for any nation to come out as the victor, but rather for all nations involved to be destroyed. In Germany, Bismarck was conscious of this geopolitical situation, and he had a very strong strategy. In correspondence, he wrote about his nightmare of coalitions, that alliance of France, Russia, and Britain, which would encircle Germany and destroy her in war and economic ruin.

Bismarck was committed to alliances which allowed for Germany to develop, but he also understood that these alliances required the benefit of the other. That is that the unification of Germany occurred in a war against France, and Austria. But he was willing to form an alliance with Austria. He had his own alliance with France, because he realized that if he were at war with these countries, Germany wouldn't be able to develop. So his commitment to the three Kaiser League, the alliance with Russia, the alliance with Austria, that wasn't popular with some of the smaller German states that were incorporated in Germany.

But Bismarck's argument was, that this policy created the best potential for Germany to develop its industry, to increase its markets, and to have peace. He also negotiated with the Russian Tsar, secretly, behind the back of his own Kaiser, because the Kaiser was going to agree with the Kaiser of Austria, this old fart there, still the emperor, in a Balkan war. And the Balkan war involved Slavic peoples, which were part of the Orthodox Church network, as the Russians were part of the Orthodox network. So it was an attempt by the British to organize another religious war between Orthodox and others, as Western and Eastern Christianity. He knew, you don't do that.

The first Kaiser and the second one. Willem I and Willem II, who was a completely British fool. And said that he would sabotage any attempt to support Austria in a Balkan war. So as long as he was in power, the war couldn't go off, because the British plan was to have Russia and France attack Germany at the same time, and to use the Habsburg-Balkan war as a trigger for that purpose. So no, they sabotaged it.

Bismarck's insight and diplomatic skill thwarted all British attempts to pit Germany against Russia in war. His understanding of how European powers were manipulated by the British, and his counter-policy of alliances with nations for peace, meant that for a British orchestrated world war to succeed, Bismarck had to be eliminated. During these years, Prince Edward Albert, the protege of Lord Palmerston, and the son of Queen Victoria, made himself dictator of British foreign policy. For the next twenty years, he would personally oversee the elimination of all obstacles to the creation of a nightmare of coalitions, beginning with Otto von Bismarck. His greatest weapon in his work was not the gunboat, but insight into turning the vices and weaknesses of individuals into the most destructive weapons against them.

The removal of Bismarck began with the use of one of Edward's greatest allies, his in-depth knowledge of the personal defects of his nephew, Kaiser Wilhelm II of Germany. Edward Albert, and partly is able to operate through this insane, oligarchical royal family system, where, you know, the Tsar of Russia, the Kaiser of Germany, they're all part of his family. They're all offshoots of Queen Victoria. You know, when you think of an oligarchy, you gotta think of a termite mound. With the Queen termite, this gigantic blob about twenty times the size of her consort, pumping out eggs, and every other termite is there to aid the Queen and her eggs.

When you have a bunch of noblemen who intermarry, you have family connections, but you also weaken the bloodline, so to speak. And so you had these figures like Kaiser Wilhelm II, very inferior intellect, very much influenced by the pomp and circumstance of the empire, Kaiser Wilhelm II, I think in fifteen years, had thirty-seven design changes in the costumes of the Imperial Guard. He loved parades, but he was also desirous of flattery. He was very insecure. And so a court around him started saying from the moment he emerged, you can't be like Frederick the Great, his ancestor, if you have a Bismarck running through your head.

You have to be a little more serious about your policy. Under orders from Prince Edward Albert, Kaiser Wilhelm ousted Bismarck from the German chancellorship in 1890. This event marked the beginning of World War I. The long fuse of the British Empire's attack on the American system was now lit. After his ouster, Bismarck foretold the great coming war.

For my part, I am no longer under any obligations towards the personalities now in office or towards my successor. All the bridges have been broken down. The tide, which used to connect us with Russia, has been severed. Personal authority and confidence are lacking in Berlin. If the country is well ruled, the coming war may be averted.

If it is badly ruled, that war may become a seven years war. Prince Edward Albert and his sycophants now unleashed hell on earth. The nightmare coalition of Russia, France, and Berlin which Bismarck had worked to prevent, Edward now sought to create. Every nation in Europe and Asia which had responded to the United States' successes would be targeted for destruction. In 1894, French President Sadi Carnot was assassinated.

Edward's Anglophile circles within the weakened French government then launched the Dreyfus scandal. This involved the fraudulent conviction of French Army Captain Alfred Dreyfus of Jewish-German descent, as a traitor. This scandal would continue for 12 years, giving birth to an anti-German and anti-Semitic right-wing turn in France. Temporarily overcoming his known disdain for the yellow races, Edward Albert and his sons, through continuous official visits to Japan, personally organized the brainwashing of the Emperor Meiji of Japan. Albert, as he had also done with Wilhelm, preyed on Japan's island mythology.

You are an island in Asia, just as we are an island in Europe. As we rule over Europe, you shall rule over Asia. With England's help, Japan will become a great naval power. Under this direction, Japan launched war against China in 1894, using its largely British-built navy, and grabbing huge tracts of Chinese territory where US and Russian industrialists had hoped to build critical links for the Trans-Siberian Rail Line. Although the advances achieved in the wake of Lincoln's Civil War victory were being quickly crushed in Europe and Asia, the United States remained at this time a stronghold of power and independence against the British Empire.

Under newly elected President and Lincoln devotee William McKinley, economic and political progress were charging forward. McKinley's commitment to the continuation of the US policy against free trade were more explicit than any United States President had ever made. As Japan's capital was polluted by South Korea, the United States was no longer doctorate, but had a broad interest in fighting their Resistance soldiers. For this reason, we have chosen to build a new Half-Centural Government somehow yet revolutionary government. It is a government of freedom, which has a lot of value for us, and I would like us to embrace it.

Ours, for 31 years, the protective tariff policy of the Republicans. Tried by any test, measured by any standard, we lead all the rest of the world. Protection had vindicated itself. McKinley immediately adopted a tariff policy, a protectionist policy, that had the British freaked out. In fact, the British sent key operatives over to the United States to work in 1896 in the campaign against McKinley.

McKinley's election was a major obstacle to the British Empire's promotion of free trade and war. In an explicit revival of John Quincy Adams' Monroe Doctrine policy, McKinley embraced the International American Conference's proposal for extension of the U.S. railway system through Mexico to the tip of South America. This project. If completed in conjunction with the Russian plans for a Bering Strait rail link, would make it possible by the beginning of the 20th century to travel from Western Europe to the southern cone of the Western Hemisphere by rail. But when McKinley's vice president died in 1899, British allied bankers seized the opportunity.

Teddy Roosevelt was forced on as McKinley's new vice president for the next election. Teddy Roosevelt was as far as one could get from a Lincoln report. He was a Republican. A sworn Anglophile, his love for the British Empire and its system of racial hierarchy were due to two key individuals. One was his uncle, James Dunwoody Bullock, who during the Civil War had served in England as the head of the Confederate Secret Service.

Bullock procured the entire Confederate Navy which destroyed Union ships and blockades of the South, prolonging the war. Teddy Roosevelt considered Bullock one of his personal heroes. And traveled to meet his exiled uncle in England in 1886 to be tutored on naval war strategy. American trader Alfred Thayer Mahan, author of The Influence of Sea Power on History, was the other major influence on Teddy Roosevelt. Mahan frequented the royal societies and clubs of Prince Edward Albert's England, promoting their new post-Civil War vision of an Anglo-American naval empire.

Mahon's leading proponent is the British. The only person who ever wrote a book in the United States was Theodore Roosevelt. When Mahon's book was published, very few people read it. Roosevelt bought up as many copies as he could and distributed it throughout the Congress, to the Navy, to key people. McKinley continued to organize the transcontinental rail projects despite Teddy Roosevelt and his British allies in the White House.

Six months into his second term, he delivered a rousing speech to the Pan American Conference in Buffalo and the 50,000 North and South Americans. The next day, McKinley was murdered by an anarchist, deployed by the same Emma Goldman anarchist networks which had killed President Carnot of France seven years previous. As Goldman would later admit, it was London that was the base of operations for her international terrorist movement. The killing of McKinley, which was done by the British, was done by, but it was to get rid of him. He brought in Teddy Roosevelt.

Teddy Roosevelt was the train by his uncle, who was the chief of the Confederate Intelligence Service in London, a British agent. So you have the presidency of the United States by assassination as turned over from a patriot to an enemy. Teddy Roosevelt. This derailment of the Lincoln legacy in the United States ensured that Edward Albert, now King Edward VII, would meet no resistance from the U.S. In 1904, the United States was defeated by the British.

In 1904, by preying on the continuing Germanophobia connected to the Dreyfus Affair and a humiliating defeat of the French army by the British at Fashoda, Edward and his French agents rammed through the Entente Cordiale agreement with France. The pivot of this friendship treaty included binding commitments for collaboration in future war. On the other side of Eurasia, Britain's other new subject, Japan, was poised to launch another war, this time against Russia. The Japanese Emperor had signed an Anglo-Japan Treaty in 1902, the central feature being that in the event of a Japanese-Russian war, Britain would prevent other European powers from aiding in Russia's defense. With the green light thus on, British banks had increased loans to Japan for arms and warship production.

As the Entente Cordiale was being finalized, Japan launched a devastating sneak attack on the Russian naval station of Port Arthur, foreshadowing the Pearl Harbor attack 37 years later. By 1905, the Japanese war against Russia had achieved its objective. The Russian nation was crippled. Only one capital ship remained in its navy. The resources of the country were exhausted.

After the peace treaty, arbitrated by U.S. President Teddy Roosevelt, a revolution was run against the Tsar, further weakening his ability to govern. The optimistic vision of Russian leaders like Sergei Vita for a tramway of iron rail, girding the world, had been replaced by the bleak practicalities of war and British balance-of-power games. Shortly thereafter, King Edward bestowed the most noble British order of knighthood, the Royal Order of the Garter, on the Japanese Emperor, an order so esteemed it was only possessed by the King and 25 knights around him. The summer of that year, Kaiser Wilhelm II of Germany and Tsar Nicholas II of Russia met on a yacht in the Baltic Sea.

The Tsar feels a deep personal anger at England and the King. He called Edward VII the greatest mischief-maker and the most dangerous and deceptive intriguer in the world. I could only agree with him, adding that I especially had had to suffer from his intrigues in recent years. He has a passion for plotting against every power, of making a little agreement, whereupon the Tsar, in turn, interrupted me, striking the table with his fist and saying, Well, I can only say he shall not get one from me, and never in my life against Germany or you. My word of honor upon it.

Tsar Nicholas of Russia would not keep his word of honor for long. Within two years of this discussion, in 1907, the Tsar signed a war alliance with King Edward's Britain, arranging Russia in a triple partnership with France and Britain against Wilhelm's Germany. The very trap Nicholas had sworn to his cousin he would avoid. In the absence of Otto von Bismarck, no one remained to prevent King Edward's orchestration of a nightmare of coalitions for war. Coincident to arranging this series of horrifying developments, King Edward VII was maintaining, perhaps, the warmest correspondence between an English monarch and a U.S. president in history.

Edward wrote Teddy letters about how the two of them had been placed in command, and how the two great branches of the Anglo-Saxon race had been divided into two. Teddy responded that the real interests of the English-speaking peoples are one, alike in the Atlantic and the Pacific. As president, Teddy Roosevelt shut down McKinley's Pan American Rail project. He created East India Company-inspired conservation parks, denying settlers access to land intended by Lincoln for development. And he walked softly with a big stick, all over the Monroe Doctrine, turning the U.S. from the leading enemy of empire in the Western Hemisphere to its leading friend.

With the post-Civil War power of the U.S. thus chained to British interest, the last fateful steps to the ignition of war were lit in the Balkans. What the British want to do is take an area where there's a confluence of division. You have Roman Catholic, Serbian Orthodox, Orthodox churches, you have some Muslim elements. It's all the leftovers of the Ottoman Empire and the conflicts of the Ottoman Empire. And the British view is we can foment conflict virtually at the drop of a hat in these places.

In June of 1914, the heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne, Archduke Ferdinand, rode through Sarajevo, Bosnia, and was assassinated by an anarchist. Predictably, the Austrians reacted by declaring war on Serbia. Czar Nicholas II mobilized to defend the Serbs, and so likewise the German, French, and British entered the conflict. The Great War, whose fuse had been burning since King Edward's ouster of Chancellor Bismarck, went off. Indeed, the war just started because the war started.

There was no reason for this war to start. Everything was in place. There was a buildup of conflict. Every side was building up more of their military capability. Orders were going out.

And at a certain point, the armies were on the move and nothing could stop them. And war broke out. But this was a British plan to set this in motion. This is what happens when you have inadequate leadership. William II was a terrible emperor in Germany.

Nicholas, Czar Nicholas of Russia, was incompetent. The French government was incapable of addressing the broader strategic questions. They were all putty in the hands of the British manipulators. The British wanted World War I to destroy continental Europe. And you look at the incredible numbers of people who died on the battlefields, fighting over a couple of square miles of land, and you see what a tragedy is about.

Really, the key to this is Europe is destroyed and demoralized. Because the idea is, how did this happen to us? We're supposed to be civilized. We have science. We have parliamentary power.

We have country democracies. We have culture. And we engage in a meat grinder, where people were slaughtered over inches of ground for four years. And nothing could stop it. And this is a war that was fought for no reason.

People really know that. In 1915, President Woodrow Wilson brought the United States into the war on the side of the British Empire. An avid Ku Klux Klan supporter, Wilson's election had been made possible by Teddy Roosevelt, who ran a third-party Bull Moose ticket in 1912, splitting enough votes from incumbent Republican William Taft to secure Wilson's victory. Under somebody like McKinley or his successors, the U.S. probably would have stayed out. But under Teddy Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson, both with a history tied to the Confederacy, the United States ultimately comes in on the British side and becomes a decisive factor.

The 24-year-long orchestration of World War I by King Edward VII thoroughly shattered the possibility of ending the British Empire. In Europe and Asia, each nation which had embraced the American system in the wake of Lincoln's assassination had been roped into destroying itself. In the United States, the Lincoln legacy was all but lost, with Woodrow Wilson closely tying the U.S. to support of British imperial interest for the post-war world. The British Empire itself, now more in control of world politics than possibly ever before, positioned itself to eradicate the potential for the Lincoln legacy to arise again by moving for the permanent eradication of sovereign nation-states. For this, the deceased Edward VII's policy of steering nations into self-destructive conflict with one another would be continued but around new figures such as H.G.

Wells, who had served as the director of British intelligence during World War I. Wells and his collaborators began immediately to sow the seeds for another great war, this one to wipe away nations and pave the way for world government. Wells was a particularly nasty, evil, but very intelligent guy. And so in both his literary writings, his novels, his short stories, and then in his non-literary, non-fiction writing, particularly his open conspiracy, what Wells laid out is the idea that you have to create world government, world empire under British domination. This is an independent sovereign state.

Yes, we must talk about that. We don't discuss it. We don't approve of independent sovereign states. You don't approve. We have to stop the government.

We mean to stop them. That's war, if you will. Well, I think we know how we stand. The British foreign policy for Germany in the post-war period reflected the exact aims of Wells' policy. The Versailles Treaty of 1919, imposing nearly all of the post-war reparations on Germany, meant an undoing of all of Bismarck's previous successes and a dissolution of Germany as a sovereign country.

At gunpoint, the most productive agricultural lands and natural resources were seized. Ships, locomotives, and half of the nation's gold reserves were taken away. Social programs were eliminated, industries privatized, and vicious waves of speculation unleashed on the Deutschmark. The Reichsbank desperately printed mountains of currency in the vain hope of covering the unpayable debt leading to the hyperinflation crisis of 1923.

The British had finally reconquered Germany. In Southwest Asia, the same policy was pursued. Secret negotiations of the British Arab Bureau and French foreign ministry had created the Sykes-Picot Accord, which mandated British control of the Palestine, Transjordan, and Iraq region, and French control of the Arab world. French control of Lebanon and Syria. Still to this day, the manipulation of religious and ethnic tensions to create wars in this region echoes back to this repositioning of empire.

In the United States, the same banks and cartels dismantling the German nation positioned themselves for similar actions against the already weakened American system. J.P. Morgan's bank, located at 23 Wall Street, had been established as the American arm of a British bank, and still is. The American bank was considered a state of emergency, and was considered a state of emergency since the 1960s. By the 1920s, the House of Morgan operated more akin to a cartel than a bank, with no public function, and a board which reached into thousands of American companies, industries, and utilities.

The Hand of Morgan was known to be monarchical in the land of American finance, only subsumed in power by the British Empire he was acting for. It was this vast financial network which would take over the political parties, install a series of London and Wall Street controlled presidents like Calvin Coolidge, and advise the dismantling of the American system. By 1928, John J. Raskob, a J.P. Morgan asset who had built his fortune through insider speculation, rose to prominence in the Democratic Party.

Raskob was then appointed chair of the Democratic National Committee, where he was the first to be elected. He exerted powerful influence over the party's politics. Controlling things on the Republican side of the aisle was another J.P. Morgan agent, Thomas Lamont. Lamont was a financial liaison to both Imperial Japan and Mussolini's Italy.

In 1925, when Mussolini's party was nearly bankrupt, Lamont came in with 100 million of J.P. Morgan money to bail him out. This same Thomas Lamont also provided daily consultation to the U.S. President Herbert Hoover. In October of 1929, the rampant speculation of the 1920s culminated in Black Friday.

There was a 1920 line collapse. And the collapse amidst a period dominated by euphoria. You can't beat the system. This is our system. Everything is fine.

You can't beat the system. So, like the boomers today, you know, can't beat the system? Well, we go along with it. We go along with it. That's the system.

We learn to live with the system. We learn within the system. We adapt to the system. We're going to be successful. We're going to make it.

The financial crash on Wall Street spread throughout the economy as a whole. And so you had not only massive unemployment through the collapse of the entire industrial and agricultural base of the economy, but you really were headed into the direction of real social despair bordering on social chaos. Well, the shock was great. But then 1930. 1931, 32, 33. It was a horrible nightmare for them.

People, you'd see them, the crowds waiting on the soup kitchens to eat breakfast in Manhattan, lined up, dressed of people who had been considered themselves well-to-do in the previous time. Now they are with their top hats, their suits and so forth. They're out there in the street, perfectly begging for a meal. This was a very dangerous period. This was the period.

When there was an effort by the Morgan interests to put a fascist government in power in France around Pierre Laval. This was the period of the Spanish Revolution when the fascist regime of Franco was put in. Hitler was in power. Mussolini was in power. There was a pro-fascist movement in Britain centered around Lord Beaverbrook, which was moving to take over Great Britain.

And there were bankers on Wall Street. Who supported this, including the grandfather of our current president. Prescott Bush was working through the Harriman interests to fund Hitler. Through these networks and directed on the ground by Reich Bank President Hjalmar Schacht, millions of dollars were injected into the Nazi party. By January, German President Hindenburg was pressured to put Hitler in as the chancellor.

And by February 27, 1933, the Reichstag building was closed. The Reichstag was set on fire by a Nazi party member. The Nazis blamed this on the Communist Party and then used the fear inspired by the events as a pretext to give Hitler emergency dictatorial powers. The economic crash in the United States had snowballed into widespread hunger, bankruptcy, foreclosures, and 25 unemployment. People were not in a position to pay attention to the ominous rumblings abroad.

Yet interest in the coming elections was unabashed. The party rules at the time were that the candidate to be nominated needed two-thirds of the vote. The Democratic National Committee was the only opposition. The party rules at the time were that the candidate to be nominated needed two-thirds of the vote. It was taboo until June 17, 1890.

Well, those loud segregated faith marches did absolutely nothing military action with the Colorado Party because cleansing the vista above the L upright." They had various candidates available, any one of whom would have been acceptable. Misgiving purposes for vote passage in September. as long as it wasn't Franklin Roosevelt. Their idea was that if they could string it out through four, five, six, seven or eight ballots, that they could eventually convince supporters of Roosevelt that he couldn't make it, they should drop their support for him, and they could bring in a candidate acceptable to the Morgans. To ensure none of the delegates broke for Roosevelt, his opponents created a chaotic atmosphere at the convention. They paid street thugs to come into the convention and boo any time Roosevelt's name was mentioned.

Indeed, Roosevelt did not get enough on the first ballot, the second or the third. In each vote he made only small gains. Campaign manager Howe and Roosevelt both knew that if at any point he lost votes, he would be out. The fourth vote comes up, and they, Roosevelt's in direct communication with Howe and Farley, and basically their idea is they've got to get it on this roll call. A mysterious telegram began to circulate at this point of the convention, a telegram intended to disorganize the Roosevelt delegates.

The way out of danger of a deadlock is not only open, but it is attractive. For all through these various delegations there is an astonishingly strong, though quiet, conviction that the party can unite on a man who is stronger than any of the leading contenders. That man is Newton Baker of Ohio. Roosevelt responded to this effort to demoralize his supporters by sending his own telegram from Hyde Park, New York. I am in this fight to stay.

This is a battle for principle. A clear majority of the convention understands that it is being waged to keep our party as a whole from dictation by a small group representing the interests in the nation which have no place in our party. My friends will not be misled by organized propaganda, by telegraphs now being sent to delegates. Stick to your guns. It is clear that the nation must not and shall not be overridden.

Now is the time to make clear that we intend to stand fast and win. The fight at the convention was not an internal Democratic Party struggle, but a conflict over whether the Lincoln tradition of American politics or the British system of empire would prevail in the world. Franklin Roosevelt knew this to be the issue of the convention. He knew this not as a recent discovery, but something which was fundamental to his thinking throughout his life. In Roosevelt's case, it was a very explicit sense of history.

Now the earliest I can identify it is this paper that he writes on on Hamilton, I think when he's about in his late teens or something like that. And, you know, it's clear that he does have a sense, like Lincoln, of being a continuation of the American Revolution, that his sense of identity is in the American Revolution. Now I think it's very interesting, even though this is a very short paper, and obviously it's not a big scholarly exercise, it's more his own sense of who Hamilton was.

George Washington, the first president under the Constitution, made Hamilton Secretary of the Treasury the greatest of the cabinet offices. As Hamilton had destabilized the problems of state, so now he ordered the finances of the country, and it was his impetus that removed for all time the risk of disintegration of the states. None appreciated this solidarity more than Aaron Burr, who, defeated for the presidency in his race against Jefferson in 1800, largely through the efforts of Hamilton, saw in this greater financial security the banishment of his dream of establishing a Northern Confederacy. Roosevelt was aware, even in his description of Hamilton, that it was an American system, as he later refers to it, versus the British.

Roosevelt's great-great-grandfather was a close collaborator of Alexander Hamilton in the creation of the Bank of New York, of some of the strategy around the establishment of the first national bank. Isaac Roosevelt was a great American patriot of that period. And his portrait hung in the dining room of the Roosevelt family home up in Hyde Park, New York. So I think he had a very personal connection to the founding fathers, to, in particular, Hamilton, maybe because of his grandfather's ties to this. And it gives you a sense how somebody lives.

Hamilton lived in Roosevelt. And that was his, I think, idea. In 1920, Franklin Roosevelt, then only 38, had been selected by the Democratic Party as the vice presidential candidate. He stumped the country. Franklin visited 38 states and gave over 1,000 speeches.

Franklin's policies were focused on the development of natural resources and improving the working and living conditions of the population. Amidst this momentum, Franklin contracted the life-threatening crisis of the war. He was diagnosed with life-threatening disease, poliomyelitis. At a critical moment in his political career, he had to drop out of politics and concentrate his every effort on battling a life-threatening disease. Franklin and his family turned this period of illness and convalescence into a constructive period of his education into all fields.

There are times when I think that Franklin may never have been president if he had not been stricken. You see, he had a thousand interests. You couldn't pin him down. Then suddenly there he was, flat on his back, with nothing to do but think. He began to read.

He began to think. He talked. He gathered people around him. His thoughts expanded. His horizon widened.

He realized even more profoundly that it's the human being's mental capabilities. There is a lot of room for improvement. There is a lot of room for improvement. And if you have the human mind, that is who you are, and that's your strength. And if you rely on that, in effect, you could be the president of the United States even though you're crippled.

The physical side means nothing. I saw Roosevelt only once between 1921 and 1924, and I was instantly struck by his growth. The man emerged completely warm-hearted, with humility of spirit, and with a deeper philosophy. Having been to the depths of trouble, he understood the problems of people in trouble. He was young.

He was crippled. He was physically weak. But he had a firmer grip on life and on himself than ever before. He was serious, not playing now. Politics had become important to him.

It was a way to live, to live a better life. He had a good life. Although not yet fully recovered from polio, these conditions led Franklin to run for governor of New York and to address the 1928 Democratic Convention. Our people must not acquiesce in the easy thought of being mere passengers so long as the drivers and mechanics do not disturb our comfort. We must be concerned over our destination, not merely satisfied that the passing scenery is pleasant to the eye.

We must be interested in whether that national destination be heaven or hell, and not content that the man at the wheel has assured us that we shall find a full bank account and a soft bed. We do not want to change these United States of America into the United States Incorporated with a limited and self- perpetuating board of directors and no voting power in the common stockholders. Once elected, he was appointed to the board of the board of the Governor, Franklin began to reverse the ongoing economic disintegration by implementing policies of social security, unemployment insurance, major state infrastructure, job creation projects, regulation over utilities, and initial regulation of Wall Street. This prescription set a precedent for policy standards later and drew many protests against him from the Hoover administration. I think it is time for us Democrats to claim Lincoln as one of our own.

The Republican Party has certainly repudiated, first and last, everything that he stood for. Those in charge of the national government believe that individual and collective private action could restore the prosperity, and that the restoration of such prosperity is the sole objective. By 1930, the Republican Party had become the party of financial speculation and free trade. In the midterm election of that year, the Democrats gained a majority in both congressional houses and the Republican Party in the House of Representatives. And the next presidential election was expected to deliver similar results.

Lewis Howe had planned a presidential bid for Franklin in the 1936 election, but the nation's economic conditions prompted an earlier run. Because of his success as governor in New York, Franklin was seen by many to be the likely Democratic Party nominee. To combat Franklin, early in the campaign cycle, John Raskob moved the repeal of prohibition into the forefront of the party politics.

This issue was intended to create a wedge between the Northern and the Southern Democrats, and in a letter to the party published in early 1932, Raskob threatened that, were the party not ready to come together around this issue, the Democratic Party should break up and a third liberal party should be formed. Franklin perceived the true intention of these actions as an attempt by a financial elite to undermine the Democratic Party's chances in the election and retain control of the nation's economic policy. I know that you will agree with me in believing that we face in this country the concentration of all power, economic and political, in the hands of what the ancient Greeks would have called oligarchy. Going into the 1932 convention, you had people who were outright fascists and Nazis, who were the American equivalent of Montague Norman, Jaumar Schacht, and the European bankers who wanted to install Hitler because they wanted a war in Europe. And so Roosevelt was facing those kinds of obstacles.

To combat this control from an elite few of the Democratic Party, Franklin invented the fireside chats in order to educate the population about the problems America faced and to muster support for his intended policy solutions. These unhappy times call for the building of plans that rest upon the forgotten, the unorganized but the indispensable units of economic power. Plans that build from the bottom up and not from the top down, that put their faith once more in the forgotten man at the bottom of the economic pyramid. It is high time to admit with courage that we are in the midst of an emergency at least equal to that of war. Let us mobilize to meet it.

In this situation, Roosevelt attracted especially the people in the lower 80 of the population. What he was saying was, we now have to get these people in positions where they are We need to get people who are capable and capable enough to get a job. This is not very easy, and I think that we're in the midst of an issue that I think we need to deal with, which is a political debate. Today, in America, there is a very strong help to all of us, but they are willing to You know, to make sure that they're strong enough to cause a great deal of harm and But what we see is, I think, there's the stopped trend of the people who are focused on the fact that they have something to do. You make the decision.

It's like when Democrats came up with the 마음 that they would be like a tax collector in the American population, and he got a tremendous base of support in it. He knew what he was doing. He knew the history. He'd laid the basis for what he did in his governorship in New York. He knew exactly what he was doing.

He knew what he was up against. He knew who the enemy was. And he knew that we were not safe unless we got rid of the British system. This was the Franklin Roosevelt after earning a majority of the popular support during the primaries that came into the Democratic Party Convention of 1932. A nomination of Roosevelt would mean the revival of Lincoln's legacy, a victory of anyone else, would ensure an end of the United States.

Roosevelt came into the convention as the clear favorite of the American people, yet the party apparatus was dead set against Roosevelt getting the nomination. Amidst the chaos, the Roosevelt apparatus persisted. Cracks started to develop among the different constituencies, and ultimately, an American response came from the participants of the convention. Enough people realized that Roosevelt was the only alternative to the Wall Street Party, and that he was the only one committed and prepared to govern in the interests of the United States. A deal was brokered.

The California and Texas delegations broke for Roosevelt, and he secured the nomination. Franklin D. Roosevelt, having received more than two-thirds of all the delegates voting, I proclaim him the nominee of this convention for President of the United States. Although this pleased the people in the convention, it did not please Raskob and his masters. It seems unbelievable that the Democratic Party, born and bred in the fine old aristocracy of the South, and always fostered and nourished a conservative people such as Smith, P.S.

DuPont and myself, is now turned over to a radical group such as Roosevelt's. Hearing of his nomination, Roosevelt broke tradition, took a major risk at the time, and flew an airplane to Chicago in order to address the people of the convention directly and to draw the battle lines of his campaign. There are two ways of viewing the government's duty in matters affecting economic and social life. One is to see to it that a favored few are helped and hopes that some of their prosperity will leak through, sift through to labor, to the farmer, to the small businessman. That theory belongs to the party of Toryism, and I had hoped that most of the Tories left this country in 1776.

Our Republican leaders tell us economists and economists and economists to make sure that economic laws, sacred, inviolable, unchangeable, cause panics which no one could prevent. But while they prate of economic laws, men and women are starving. We must lay hold of the fact that economic laws are not made by nature, they are made by human beings. The power that parties get is significant, significant as a factor on the scene. What's decisive is the leadership, which is always centered in one or two or more individual minds, who are actually driving history in that direction, with ideas, as Roosevelt did, with ideas.

Roosevelt was the first president of the United States, and he was the first president of the United States. In Florida, two weeks before Roosevelt's inauguration, an anarchist emerged from the crowd and fired five shots at Roosevelt. The bullets intended for Roosevelt did not hit their mark, but undoubtedly Roosevelt knew, much like President-elect Lincoln before him knew, who his enemies were. On March 4th, 1933, Franklin Roosevelt was inaugurated as the 31st President of the United States. This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.

So first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself. Nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes needed effort to convert retreats, into advance. Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truth. So between Lincoln and Roosevelt, we didn't have an American president who was able to fundamentally transform the United States with this idea of the American system.

Roosevelt understood this. He understood it from his studies of Hamilton. I'm sure he also understood Lincoln's policy very clearly because so much of what he did was an echo of Lincoln.

Illustrative is the case of Chief Aid Harry Hopkins, who, armed with only a card table, a pot of coffee and a telephone, hired 11 million Americans and spent 20 million in the first three hours of the administration. With the Civilian Conservation Corps, Rural Electrification Administration, the Four Corners Projects and others, Roosevelt launched the largest peacetime mobilization of manpower and materials the world had ever seen. As an incredible example, the Tennessee Valley Authority transformed one of the most backward areas of the nation into an industrial powerhouse. This was the plan. To chain the river through a series of giant dams, checking the flood, to open it to navigation from its mouth to its headwater, to give the farmers the benefit of modern science and research, to help them control the water on their land and restore the fertility of the soil, to reforest millions of acres on the ravaged hillside, to exploit the mineral resources of the area, to use the electric power generated by the dams to develop and rehabilitate industry in the city, to electrify the farms through rural cooperatives, above all, to prove that human problems can be solved by reason, science, and education.

He reestablished the U.S. currency, stabilized the price of gold, and opened a penetrating investigation into the rampant speculation on Wall Street, all within the first 100 days of his administration. But what he wanted to do was move immediately to stop the foreclosures, put people back in their homes, save the farms, build back farm income, and start up U.S. industry again, and to a large extent, he succeeded. Policies that Roosevelt instituted for rebuilding the U.S. economy completely flew in the face of these powerful Wall Street and City of London allied interests. By the middle of 1933, Roosevelt's attacks against free trade practices were tearing up the privatized control of the U.S. economy. As a desperate reaction to Roosevelt and his American system policies, one of the most outlandish British-directed plots in modern history was planned.

J.P. Morgan's John Raskob was tasked to form a group to propagandize against Roosevelt's policies. This organization, becoming active in most cities and states, fervently attacked Roosevelt with thousands of speeches and millions of pamphlets distributed across the nation. The group was called the American Liberty League. The objective of the League was to become the eventual administrator of a 500,000-man force which would storm the White House and overthrow President Roosevelt.

The plan was to then establish a dictatorship which would immediately enact the economic austerity plans of Hjalmar Schacht's labor camps already being applied in Nazi Germany. All they needed was a man with credit among the military legions to lead this coup. Unfortunately for them, the man they tried to control and try to seduce was a true American, retired General Smedley Butler. He knew the corruption of government and big business intimately from his past and refused to succumb to playing the role of an American Hitler. General Butler contacted a trusted Philadelphia publisher, and by the time enough evidence was collected to substantiate the story, Butler took this plot to the Senate, and as the press hit the stands, the hearings began.

The plot was exposed. The plan as outlined to me was to form an organization of veterans to use as a bluff, or as a club at least, to intimidate the government and break down our democratic institutions. The upshot of the whole thing was that I was supposed to lead an organization of 500,000 men which would be able to take over the functions of government. The defeat of this attempted coup was only another step in Roosevelt's reestablishment of the strength of the U.S. Constitution as a living principle of government.

His response to the coup attempt was to further recruit the population to the approaching global war against fascism and poverty. These economic royalists complain that we seek to overthrow the institutions of America. What they really complain of is that we seek to take away their power. Our allegiance, and our allegiance to American institutions, requires the overthrow of this kind of power. Against economic tyranny such as this, the American citizen could only appeal to the organized power of government.

We well remember that the collapse of the U.S. Constitution of 1929 showed up the despotism for what it was. And the election of 1932 was the people's mandate to end it, and under that mandate it is being ended. It is not alone. A war against want and destitution and economic demoralization.

It is more than that. It is a war for the survival of democracy. We are fighting, fighting to save a great and precious form of government for ourselves and for the world. And so I accept the commission you have sent me and that means I join with you. I am enlisted for the duration.

The story of the battles and the plans for World War II has been told over and over again. What has not been told is the story of the war between the American and the British system to determine the future of civilization which took place in discussions between the two individuals who represented these outlooks, President Roosevelt and Prime Minister of Britain, Winston Churchill. The story is perhaps best told through the eyes of Franklin Roosevelt's own son, Elliot Roosevelt, who attended and later transcribed many of these discussions. Winston is at the dinner table, Father, and already giving quite a speech. Shall we go?

He shall come to understand this time. He must. World events are outpacing our resolve. What do you mean, Father? Winston would like to think I wasn't serious last time, but tonight is a different story.

You know, Elliot, after flying over Africa, I've had some important meetings. I've had some important thoughts about the future of the world. If you look at the Great Salt Flats in southern Tunisia, you can see that at one time it must have been a vast inland sea. You also have the rivers that spring up in the Atlas Mountains to the south and disappear under the Sahara to become subterranean rivers. Why not take these waters and divert this water flow for irrigation?

It'd make the Imperial Valley in California look like a cabbage patch. And the salt flats. They were once below the level of the Mediterranean. You could dig a canal straight back to recreate that lake, 150 miles long, 60 miles wide. The Sahara would bloom for hundreds of miles.

It is true. Wealth! The Sahara is not just sand. It has an amazingly rich potential. Imperialists don't realize what wealth is, what wealth they can create.

They've robbed these continents of billions, and all because they were too short-sighted to understand that their billions were pennies compared to the possibilities. Possibilities that must include a better life for the people who inhabit this land. Just then, Vice President Wallace came in. I can't take this, Franklin. I just spent an hour talking with the British Foreign Minister.

He was trying to convince me that after the war, the United States and the British have to contain the threat of communism. I said, Fascism, communism, capitalism all come from the same point of view, and that British economics is no different. And all he could do was stare at the ceiling and spout some hullabaloo about Darwin. These people are the damnedest fools! Henry, Henry, you need more finesse.

Finesse? You see, most of these folks are just victims of this old system. Their system uses them more than they use it. We've got to be impatiently patient, Henry. Franklin, we've got our very own fascist here in this country, just waiting to subvert us all over again.

We have to move fast to solve this thing. Yes, yes, but after the war, the cries will come that the present unity will no longer be necessary, and that's when the job will begin, in earnest. One sentence. When we've won the war, I will work with all my might and main to see to it that the United States is not wheedled into the position of a government accepting any plan that will further France's imperialistic ambitions or that will aid or abet the British Empire in its imperial ambitions. Winston has got to listen to me this time.

He'll find out this time. Father, Wallace, and I walked into the room together and sat down at the table. There were pleasant jokes and light discussion for most of the evening. After everyone had eaten, and making sure the prime could hear him, Father began to talk loudly to one of the guests. You know, my friend over there doesn't understand how most of our people feel about Britain and her role in the life of other peoples.

It's in the American tradition, this distrust, this dislike and even hatred of Britain. There are many kinds of Americans, of course, but as a people, as a country, we're opposed to imperialism. We can't stomach it. He looked at Churchill with a smile significantly. The prime minister sat like a Buddha, a big cigar in his face.

The point, which I'm having a hard time getting across to some people, is that many Americans are anti-British. Take me. God knows and my friend knows I'm not anti-British now, but I remember very clearly that when I was seven or thereabouts, in 1889 or 90, and my mother took me to England, and we saw Queen Victoria driving her carriage down a London street, why, I hated the old woman. At this point, most of the dinner guests slowly made their way out of the room, while Churchill sat there, sinking in his chair, immediately lighting another cigar. By the time the room cleared out, it was only father, Churchill, Wallace, and myself.

The discussion had turned to policies for after the war and father's plans for a new economic system. Those empire trade agreements are a case in point. It's because of them that the people of India and Africa, of all the colonial Near East and Far East, are still as backward as they are. Mr. President, England does not propose for a moment to lose its favored position amongst the British Dominions.

The trade that has made England great shall continue, and under conditions prescribed by England's ministers. Alexander Hamilton's reports prove that our American systems, strengthens the economy through developing the population. This is what has always worked and will work. It's principled. I am drafting a pamphlet to bring about the industrialization of China.

We could start tomorrow. You have no idea what a mistake you would be making with that. We feel... I am firmly of the belief that if we are to arrive at a stable peace, it must involve the development of backward countries, backward peoples. How can this be done?

It can't be done, obviously, by 18th century methods. Who's talking 18th century methods? Whichever of your ministers recommends a policy which takes wealth and raw materials out of a nation, but which returns nothing to the people of that country in consideration. 20th century methods involve bringing industry to these colonies. 20th century methods include increasing the wealth of the people by increasing their standard of living, by education, by bringing sanitation, by making sure they get a return for the raw wealth of their community. Take India, Winston. I can't believe that we can fight a war against fascist slavery and at the same time not work to free people all over the world from a backward colonial policy.

There can be no tampering with the Empire's economic agreement. They're artificial. They're the foundation of our greatness. Mr. President, I believe you are trying to do away with the British Empire.

Every idea you entertain demonstrates it. But in spite of that, in spite of that, we know that you constitute our only hope. And you know that we know it. You know that we know that without America, the Empire won't stand. Once Churchill had enough, he said, he forced a smile, got up, and cordially bid us a good evening.

As he waddled away, father picked up his things and spoke confidently to himself, but also to me. The choice is ours, you know. We have a chance to use our influence in favor of a more united and cooperating world. This nation has a rendezvous with history. Roosevelt's vision of the post-war agreements between the Big Four, the United States, Britain, China, and the Soviet Union were for them to be responsible under the principles of the Atlantic Charter to form the United Nations, which would oversee the banishment of colonialism worldwide and bring the power of technological development to nations across the globe.

For the first time since Lincoln's victory in the Civil War, the world was moving in the direction of defeating the oligarchical principle and establishing a global community of sovereign nation-states. Under the presidency of Roosevelt's chosen successor, Vice President Henry Wallace, that future would have been secured. This war can be and must be where fighting for a peace becomes easy. This is a fight between a slave world and a free world. Just as the United States, in 1862, could not remain half slave and half free, so in 1942, the world must make its decision for a complete victory, one way or the other.

The people, in their millennial and revolutionary march toward manifesting here on Earth the dignity that is in every human soul, hold as their credo the four freedoms enunciated by President Roosevelt. We who live in the United States, may think there is nothing very revolutionary about freedom of religion, freedom of expression, and freedom from the fear of secret police. But when we begin to think about the significance of freedom from want for the average man, then we know that the revolution of the past 150 years has not been completed, either here in the United States or in any other nation in the world. We know that this revolution cannot stop until freedom from want has been attained. Tragically, President Roosevelt's health then took a dramatic turn for the worse.

And as the war was coming to a close, the British operatives in the Democratic Party pressured Roosevelt to replace Wallace with Harry S. Truman in the 1944 election. Truman was not committed to fighting for Roosevelt's principles, but had proven himself willing to submit to Churchill's post-war outlook. By April 1945, OSS chief William Donovan met President Roosevelt in the Oval Office. Upon his departure, having witnessed the President's condition, Donovan grimly remarked to his trusted aide, It's over.

It's all over. As President Roosevelt was laid in the ground, the British and Dutch were allowed to reenter Africa, Indochina, Indonesia, and other nations on the brink of independence. And recolonize. Two nuclear bombs were dropped on the nation of Japan by Harry Truman, even as that nation was entering surrender terms. Instead of collaboration for rebuilding the world, the US followed Britain's plan into a nuclear standoff with Russia, which would divide the world for the next 40 years.

The US presidency was, with a few exceptions, steered by the British to revive free trade as the hegemonic system of the global economy. Leaders like John F. Kennedy, Malcolm X, Martin Luther King, and Robert Kennedy, who challenged these problems, were assassinated. The intended policies of Franklin Roosevelt for the post-war world are still waiting to be implemented today. Lincoln was assassinated.

The British were out to kill him, and they did. And in some ways, maybe that's easier to deal with. We should've kept Lincoln alive. But Roosevelt, he died. That seems to be a random event.

It leads to a certain existential outlook. But what if we thought of it in a different way? What if we thought, no, see, he doesn't really die if we don't let him die. We have the ability as human beings to keep alive that which was unique about him, his mental capabilities, his discoveries, his social dissemination of ideas, his creativity in organizing other people. If we kept that alive as a universe where the minds of people is what we value, what they discovered, what they act on as human beings, going back to this idea that Roosevelt discovered it was his person, not his physical being, then their death would diminish them less.

They'd be more alive in us. In a symbolic gesture, American troops destroy the Nazi party emblem. And we can't do that.